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Message from American Jews to  the President

Frequently Asked Questions About the Message from American Jews to the U.S. President:
"Gaza First, Not Gaza Last"
 
  1. Why is a successful withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and four West Bank settlements so important?  [answer]
  2. What key issues remain to be resolved in negotiating the withdrawal process?  [answer]
  3. Why is an American envoy crucial to the Gaza withdrawal?   [answer]
  4. Why must the envoy be high-level? Hasn’t the U.S. already appointed two envoys to work on Gaza disengagement?   [answer]
  5. Who would be a good choice for the envoy position?   [answer]
  6. Why should I become involved with this campaign?   [answer]
  7. Why is the President a target of this campaign?   [answer]
  8. What else can I read on the subject?  [answer]

1. Why is a successful withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and four West Bank settlements so important?

If the withdrawal process goes well and both sides feel that their legitimate needs are met, the Gaza pullout will create an exceptional starting point for further negotiations towards an eventual two-state solution. Israelis will see that the pain of displacing settlers and withdrawing from territory can be mitigated by much greater security. Palestinians will get an unprecedented measure of self-determination, crucially bolstering efforts by the current moderate Palestinian government.

If, on the other hand, the withdrawal is uncoordinated or otherwise problematic Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas will be severely weakened and will face mounting anger and political challenges at home. Israelis may become demoralized and frightened; a “never again” attitude could develop as people grow unwilling to risk the tribulations of withdrawal from other areas. Both sides will come away saying, "I knew they couldn’t be trusted."
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2. What key issues remain to be resolved in negotiating the withdrawal process?

According to U. S. aides who traveled with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice during her recent diplomatic trip to the Middle East, the fate of settler homes and greenhouses is "ripe for resolution."

The other outstanding issues include: the movement of people and goods between Gaza, Israel, Egypt and the West Bank; the reduction of roadblocks and other travel restrictions; the reopening of the Gaza airport; the building of a Gaza seaport; and the control of air and sea traffic.

While it might take only a few months to reopen the Gaza airport, the construction of a seaport is a years-long project. For all of these remaining issues to be resolved satisfactorily, the U. S. needs to be actively engaged in the negotiating process even after the withdrawal itself has been implemented.
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3. Why is an American envoy crucial to the Gaza withdrawal?

Israelis and Palestinians have a deep, longstanding distrust of each other. Even under the best of circumstances, it is unlikely that such strong negative feeling would suddenly transform into generosity of spirit or willingness to compromise.

The Israelis and Palestinians enter into negotiations with two fundamentally different agendas, which is why the process has so often stalled. Basically, the Palestinians are looking for Israel to follow through with its initial obligations as specified by the Road Map. The Sharon government, however, has been reluctant to take any steps forward until the Palestinian Authority has effectively disarmed the terrorists. The Palestinians also oppose any unilateral actions by Israel, such as the construction of security fences and walls in the occupied territories. Sharon, on the other hand, sees unilateral action as his primary tactic, and most Israelis support him on this.

Moreover, the lack of coordination leading up to this point – mere weeks from withdrawal – means that the situation is ripe for myriad upsets, misunderstandings, and violence. The Palestinian government is too weak and its bureaucracy and civil society too disjointed to successfully organize their side of the withdrawal without outside assistance. An Israeli official confirmed to The New York Times that Israel has not been forthcoming in making plans with the Palestinians. Indeed, many on the Israeli left have suggested that the Sharon government may be purposely allowing chaos, in order to discourage later withdrawals from the West Bank. Each side accuses the other of bad faith. And this goes well beyond political posturing; the current situation culminates years of frustration on both sides, effectively exploited by the anti-peace forces on both sides.

In such an atmosphere, only an outside party can bring a measure of calm, aid the sides in making and executing hard decisions, deflect internal unrest in both communities, and thus allow Israelis and Palestinians more room for compromise. Given its traditional involvement, the American government is, realistically, the only outside power that could successfully place an envoy in the middle of the withdrawal.
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4. Why must the envoy be high-level? Hasn’t the US already appointed two envoys to work on Gaza disengagement?

The U.S. appointed two officials to be involved in planning the Gaza disengagement process: James Wolfensohn was appointed to deal with economic matters, while General William Ward was handling security concerns. Ward will be transferred immediately following the disengagement. However, neither has been authorized to oversee the complex political dynamics of the engagement.

If the Bush Administration is serious about supporting the withdrawal and reviving the Road Map, it will have to appoint someone of authority and reputation to be present in the region on a daily basis, giving him or her a broad mandate and the active backing necessary to ensure the implementation of decisions necessary to ensure a smooth and successful transition.

This view is also being promoted by two former American officials, Ambassadors Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk, both of whom have long been prominently involved in American-Israeli relations. "Both sides are wrapped up in internal politics," Indyk recently told The New York Times, "and a high-level American adviser should be there to help."
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5. Who would be a good choice for this envoy position?

It is not for Brit Tzedek to advise the President on whom he should appoint. What we are asking for is the appointment of a close advisor who the President will listen to and trust, someone with enough stature and sufficient staff to do what is necessary.
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6. Why should I become involved with this campaign?

We in the American Jewish community need to make clear to our elected officials that we stand firmly behind the Sharon government’s plan to disengage from Gaza, and that we commend the Bush Administration for supporting the plan. We should also make it clear that the withdrawal should be a prelude to further negotiations between the two sides, with strong American involvement. National polls have confirmed what we at Brit Tzedek have long believed to be true: our positions lie firmly in the mainstream of American Jewish opinion. Now is the time to demonstrate this to our government.

For the Gaza withdrawal to work and to ensure the success of future negotiations, the Bush Administration must appoint an envoy who can make a real difference. The Bush Administration must do all it can to enable the success of the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and four West Bank settlements.
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7. Why is the President a target of this campaign?

The executive branch of government, headed by the President, is responsible for formulating and implementing foreign policy. Previous administrations have played decisive roles in bringing about peace agreements between Israel and its Arab neighbors. At the present time, the Administration can play a decisive role in determining whether or not the current window of opportunity results in a peace agreement establishing a viable Palestinian state and ensuring a secure Israel.

Below are some examples of when the executive branch of government has played an aggressive role in promoting peace in the Middle East:

1970's
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (under Presidents Nixon and Ford) negotiated disengagement agreements between Israel, Syria, and Egypt.

1979
President Carter personally brokered the Camp David peace treaty between Israel and Egypt - including clauses that established the precedent for supporting Palestinian autonomy.
1988
President Reagan proposed several peace plans and opened an unprecedented dialogue between the U.S. and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO).

1991
President George H. W. Bush convened the Madrid Conference, which served as an international framework for the Oslo peace process.

1994
President Clinton personally brokered the 1994 Israel-Jordan Peace deal.

1998
President Clinton personally brokered the 1998 Wye Accords between the Israelis and Palestinians.

2000-2001
President Clinton mediated bilateral negotiations between the Israelis and Palestinians at Camp David and Taba.

2003
President George W. Bush formalized the American commitment to a two-state solution through his Administration's formulation of the Road Map to Peace, in which the U.S. was joined by the European Union, Russia and the United Nations.

2005
In a May press conference, President George W. Bush praised Mahmoud Abbas as a leader who is “committed to peace,” adding that the U.S. must "help [Abbas and PA official Mohammed Dahlan]...realize [their] vision of a peaceful Palestinian state."
 
 
Brit Tzedek v'Shalom, the Jewish Alliance for Justice and Peace
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